Document(s) 6 of 13

At first glance, Canadian cities and their counterparts in Latin America seem to have little in common. The prosperous new suburbs that radiate out from the cores of many Canadian cities, for example, are a world away from the impromptu migrant settlements that sprouts on the periphery of Latin America's urban centres. While Canadians worry about sprawl and the drain of resources from the inner city to the new suburbs, the question that dominates in most Latin American countries is how to provide even basic services for these new, marginal communities, and how to integrate the incoming population into the existing urban culture.

Despite the contrast between those two pictures, however, at some levels cities in both Canada and Latin America face a similar set of challenges--the result of some profound changes at the international level.

Economic globalization, which is said by many commentators to have reduced the power and importance of national governments, has conversely pushed the city onto centre stage. In Latin America - as in northern countries like Canada - municipalities find themselves engaged in fierce competition to attract and keep the specialized workers so important to businesses that produce for the global marketplace. In both those contexts, having a secure place in the world economy is no longer a function of controlling a large landmass or abundant natural resources, or having good ports. Rather, urban 'quality of life' concerns - access to education, cultural opportunities, transportation, municipal infrastructure, recreational facilities, a pleasant environment - are more likely to determine a region's economic success or failure.

In Latin America, this change of emphasis has allowed some cities of modest size to become economic stars. For instance, Montevideo Uruguay - a city of only one and half million people - produces and exports more computer software than all of Brazil.

And yet this more rigid distinction between winners and losers - between metropolitan areas that are plugged into the global economy and those that are excluded - threatens to exacerbate the already difficult urban conditions in much of Latin America.

One example is the ongoing problem of excessive migration from depressed areas to large cities. A continent-wide decline in agricultural production has been responsible for large numbers of rural people heading to the urban periphery in search of a better life. Now, more migrants are moving from cities in decline to those cities (mostly capitals) that have found a niche in the global economy.

This has divided cities more starkly between the fortunate few and those who live in areas where there is very little hope. That situation is unsustainable, making it crucial that we take a new approach to urban issues. We have to reinvent the Latin American city.

Part of the solution involves giving cities a role in deciding issues that extend far beyond individual municipal boundaries. Already, many Latin American cities are cooperating, through urban networks and regional associations, to share information that will help all municipalities compete economically on the basis of their local advantages. A wider base of stronger cities promises to help stabilize the problem of excessive migration.

Another necessary change is the creation of what we call "Ciudades Solidarias"--sharing cities. We define the concept of 'sharing cities' through three basic principles: efficiency, ethics, and equity. This statement of principles acknowledges that solutions to problems in Latin American cities depend not only upon the competent delivery of services, but also upon the recognition of shared values and a common stake in the urban environment.

Real change is coming about through projects that not only seek to meet the material needs of marginal people, but which also attempt to integrate them into the social and political life of the city. One of the best known examples of this is the budgetary process of Porto Alegre, Brazil, where citizens have a direct role in deciding how municipal revenues will be spent. Similar processes giving citizens a voice in formulating policy have been created in cities of diverse sizes and types, such as Santiago, Chile; Rosario in Argentina; Bogota, Columbia; and various other cities in Brazil.

One remarkable project in Mar del Plata, Argentina, illustrates how new technologies can aid the decentralization of decision-making which is essential to increasing public participation. In that case, a contract was about to be tendered for waste collection in the marginal areas. The mayor posted the details on a website, hoping for input from members of the affected communities. When none was forthcoming, the city took out newspapers ads asking citizens to help design the waste-removal plan; they could join the discussion using computers in the local "telecenters" (facilities set up to allow people in poor areas to get online).

Public interest grew, with the ultimate result that neighborhood residents designed a waste-removal plan that came in under-budget (costing only US$16 million, rather than $30 million) and which better addressed the needs of the community. Equally as important was the message to residents that municipal business wasn't merely being conducted on the basis of patronage; that poor citizens had a role in deciding what services the city would provide and how.

So far, most of these projects that use technology to stimulate public involvement have been geared towards the provision of environmental services. But the model can also be applied to projects providing healthcare, education, or generating employment in marginal neighborhoods. In one city in Ecuador, the community is exploring how religious festivals and the manufacture of religious artifacts can become a cornerstone of the local economy. This strategy is based on the idea--long acknowledged in northern countries like Italy and Spain--that culture has a tangible economic value.

The social polarization of urban areas is apparently a global phenomenon. (A recent report by Toronto's United Way, for instance, shows the number of middle-income families in that city declining by 8.3 per cent in the 1990s, as the per centage of both rich and poor families increased). But the situation is especially critical in Latin America. Statistics indicating that populations are growing only in marginal segments of Latin American cities suggest that there will be an ominous transformation in urban Latin America, unless all citizens are given a real stake in the life of the city and a voice in its political institutions.

Federico Burone is regional director for Latin America and the Caribbean with Canada's International Development Research Centre. Previously, he was the executive director of the IDRC-supported Environmental Management Secretariat.

Document(s) 6 of 13