Document(s) 9 of 13

Figure 10
Location of selected communities

This chapter compares case studies of three Caribbean communities located within polluted coastal ecosystems—two bays in Cuba and a coastal lagoon in Venezuela—where environmental education programmes have been introduced. These have rallied community support in different ways, with particular focus on working with children and youth. In each case we conducted our studies using participatory research to strengthen local management. The chapter summarises the lessons learned from working with these three projects.

Bays and lagoons are among the most important coastal ecosystems because of the services they offer and because of their vulnerability. They are often regarded as estuarine systems, which, according to the most widely accepted definition, are coastal water bodies where communication with the open sea is limited and periodic. Population growth and economic expansion are placing increased pressure on these ecosystems. Activities such as fishing, trade, shipping, industrial development, and tourism, the establishment of new settlements, and the development of megacities have a direct impact on these zones, threatening swift and severe degradation along with loss of their natural resources. Large areas of lagoons and estuaries are being reclaimed, dredged, or filled for the creation of ports, town sites, and cultivable lands, in blatant disregard of the principles of sound management and a nonsectoral approach to coastal planning. This inevitably entails long-term economic losses. Indeed, such losses can make themselves felt in the very short term, as resources and ecosystems collapse.

These closed and semi-closed systems are especially vulnerable because of their limited surface area and shallow waters, the long hydraulic replenishment times involved, and the sizable population that derives its livelihood from their resources. They are subject to pressure from human activities and from natural processes and phenomena alike. Therefore, pollution is a recurring problem which is becoming more acute as human activities encroach on the system's threshold. It must be recognised, however, that coastal bays and lagoons differ in terms of their functionality. While bays are used as ports because of their geomorphological and operational characteristics, lagoons have great potential for aquaculture, fishing, and tourism. In addition, they are more affected by upstream activities in their tributary watershed. In most cases, the greatest contribution of pollutants comes from improper farming practices and urban and industrial development, as well as mining and port activities resulting from disorderly planning and unsuccessful management. If we want to bring positive change to the daily lives of the people involved and offer them comprehensive solutions, we must develop an understanding of the ecological functioning of these ecosystems. Also, we need to fully comprehend the economic activities that are taking place, including their particular social and political features.

This chapter presents a comparative study of efforts at community education and mobilisation for the purpose of restoring the quality of services from three polluted ecosystems in the Caribbean. The communities operate within very different political contexts: two bays located on the south coast of the island of Cuba, in the cities of Cienfuegos and Santiago; and the Laguna Unare in Venezuela. The study looks at the approach taken in each of the projects, the way the projects worked with and involved the community, the role of government institutions and industry, and the political context. There is single-party socialism in the Cuban case, and a highly polarised political climate within a capitalistic system in the case of Venezuela.

Contrasting Policy Approaches in Cuba and Venezuela

Legal arrangements and government policies

The effectiveness of any legal and institutional system will be influenced to a greater or lesser degree by the specific historical circumstances that prevail in the country. These refer to its political and socioeconomic regime; the political will to act decisively in environmental management and protection; the structure and organisation of government, legal, and regulatory provisions; and the traditions and customs ingrained in the society. Hence, proper environmental management necessarily requires administrative structures that can give reality to policies approved by government in this area, and to the commitments assumed vis-à-vis the international community. Given the need for integration identified above, special attention must be paid to a region's legal and institutional framework.

In the wake of coastal agreements and policies negotiated in the Caribbean, many countries have taken positive steps. Cuba and Venezuela are typical examples in terms of the impact that their economic activities have on coastal zones and their introduction of specific legislation to protect those zones. Our analysis starts from the basis that both countries exhibit great political diversity. Cuba has adopted a political system based on a unitary state and a single party, with a trend toward decentralisation in recent years, which is in line with the principle of public participation enshrined in the constitution. Venezuela has witnessed great political polarisation since 1998, and the current government is implementing new strategies in what amounts to a revolutionary plan involving a new concept of community participation in all public activities.

When it comes to environmental policies, Cuba issued an official document in 1997, entitled the National Environmental Strategy, which called for introduction of an Integrated Management System as the first step to preserving and restoring the coastal zone. With promulgation of the constitution on February 24, 1976, the environment became for the first time an official concern (article 27). In that same year, Law 1323, on Organisation of the Central Administration of the State, made the State Committee for Science and Technology responsible for establishing, directing, and overseeing the National System for Environmental Protection and the Rational Use of Natural Resources. A 1979 order of the Council of Ministers created the National Commission for Protection of the Environment and Conservation of Natural Resources, as the first step towards institutionalising the environmental sphere in the country. Decree-Law 147 of 1994, on Reorganisation of the Central Administration of the State, constituted a Ministry of Science, Technology and Environment (Centro de Estudios Ambientales de Cienfuegos, CITMA), transferring to it the powers and duties of the National Commission for Protection of the Environment and Rational Use of Natural Resources, which was thereby abolished. Subsequent amendments and regulations to Law 33 were issued, and in 1997 Law 81, the Environment Act, was approved establishing the Institutional Framework for the Cuban Environment (Article II). That law defines the powers of central government agencies as well as local agencies of the Poder Popular (Popular Councils), in an attempt to integrate the basic principles that must govern the design of an efficient and effective institutional system for the environment. It also defines the powers and functions of CITMA, making it the senior environmental agency and clarifying the structure of the system.

The great advantage is that CITMA is now represented in each province by provincial 'delegations', or centres, that can promote the required integrated approach to local management of coastal zones. Among the agencies and centres comprising that system are the ministries of fishing, tourism, agriculture, basic industry, interior, and transport, as well as the armed forces. Other government agencies involved include the Physical Planning Institute, the Environmental Information, Management and Education Centre, Environmental Control and Inspection Centre, National Centre for Protected Areas, and the National Centre for Scientific Research, among others. With this institutional and legal system in place, most of the environmental management instruments in Cuba now operate in accordance with article 18 (3) of the Environment Act. It stipulates that Cuban environmental policy must be implemented through sound management, using well-established instruments.

Venezuela possesses environmental legislation and regulations covering a broad range of aspects. However, environmental provisions are scattered and fragmentary. Attempts to apply them to the management of a specific geographic area have been frustrated by lack of consensus on the definition of management plans, or by lack of capacity to enforce them on the part of the responsible entities. The Ministry of Environment, created in 1976, is the government agency responsible for defining environmental protection policies and for administering certain laws and regulations. Like CITMA in Cuba, the ministry has offices in all states, which, in the most densely populated municipalities, deal with specific problems.

The guiding principles for environmental conservation, defence, and improvement as a means of raising living standards are contained in the 1976 Organic Law on the Environment. However, the definition of environmental crimes and their punishment are governed by the Environmental Crimes Law, promulgated in 1992. The environment law falls within the responsibility of the Ministry of Environment, and the criminal law falls to the judiciary, consisting of the Supreme Court of Justice and the country's other courts.

The biodiversity of all the country's ecosystems is protected by the Law on Biological Diversity of 2000, which sets out guiding principles for the conservation of biological diversity and its sustainable use in Venezuela. The municipalities have general responsibility for environmental protection, as well as for the related infrastructure and basic services, among which are sanitation, aqueducts, sewers, wastewater treatment, and electricity services. These activities are governed by the amendments to the 1989 Organic Law on Municipal Organisation. Despite this constitutional amendment, which gives the municipalities rights over the environment, and the changes to environmental regulations that occurred in Venezuela in 2000–01, most municipalities, including those located in coastal zones, have no municipal environmental bylaws (either general or specific) for giving effect to that change. Such bylaws are supposed to regulate activities that affect the environment, such as coastal fishing, construction, tourism, garbage disposal, and community participation. Thus, environmental management in Venezuela is not very effective, essentially because of factors such as duplication of functions, negligence on the part of public officials, lack of public awareness about the environment, little participation by the community in filing environmental complaints, the slowness of court proceedings in environmental cases, and the failure of the authorities to exert proper control.

Laws and regulations governing coastal ecosystems

In Cuba, Law 81 on the Environment was established as part of the institutionalisation process. It applies to environmental matters throughout the country, and has served as a point of departure for many regulations and decrees relating to the coastal zone and its resources, with a focus on integrated management. These include Decree Law 212 on Management and Protection of Coastal Zones, as well as others governing activities such as fishing, which is strictly regulated in the country. Coastal activities must be developed under the principles of sustainability, not only because this is in keeping with the demands of the international market but also because the country's legislation requires it. The legal foundation for the Integrated Management of Coastal Zones in Cuba empowers and requires all institutions, ministries, and government agencies to work in a coordinated and united manner to fulfill the legislation. This has undoubtedly contributed to the understanding and enforcement of coordinated policies, for which each ministry has specific rules. These provide legal support for any activity designed to raise living standards, as sustainable development itself demands. Nevertheless, this brings with it the risk of overlapping functions and responsibilities.

National laws and regulations are being put into effect in the bays of Cienfuegos and Santiago. One of the key agencies under this legal framework is the Office of Fisheries Inspection, through its provincial branches. Coordination among the sectors involved in management is of recent origin; as is the comprehensive treatment of disputes from a watershed focus, and problems of coordination among stakeholders still exist. These two ecosystems constitute an analytical priority for CITMA, the government, and for the national political leadership, and so concrete actions are underway at both the central and provincial levels. Nevertheless, fragmented and overlapping responsibilities for regulation, conservation, and resource management are common to both ecosystems.

Venezuela has a series of specific regulations governing aquatic spaces, overseen by the responsible state agencies. As in Cuba, there is interinstitutional coordination in defining policies and developing programmes. Yet instead of presidential decrees, Venezuela has a series of ordinary laws, decrees, and regulations for protecting coastal zones. The principal laws follow.

1. The 2001 Law on Coastal Zones governs the sustainable administration, use, and management of the zones.
   
   
2. The 2001 Fishing and Aquaculture Law defines general and specific policies for these economic activities and guarantees the right of people to fish and to participate effectively in government planning and policymaking in this area.
   
   
3. The 2001 General Law on Ports establishes guidelines for the system of ports and its infrastructure.
   
   
4. The 2001 Law on Aquatic and Insular Spaces asserts sovereignty and control over aquatic species in the country's rivers, seas, lagoons, bays, and lakes. It also covers sustainable planning and exploitation of water resources, and their biodiversity.

To enforce the new regulations on coastal zones, the Office for Coastal Management has been created within the Environmental Planning Directorate (although without adequate staffing or budget) to draw up a programme for coastal management, starting with a definition of the coastal zone. The National Fisheries Institute (INAPESCA), created in 2001, is responsible for orderly planning of the country's fishery and aquaculture resources, with a view to responsible and sustainable exploitation in accordance with the existing legal framework. It implements policies issued by the Ministry of Agriculture and Lands (INAPESCA 2004). The INAPESCA representative in the Laguna Unare also serves as the fisheries inspector for the area.

When it comes to environmental laws, there are some clear differences between the two countries. Venezuela is in the midst of a reorganisation and is only now taking initiatives for integrated management of coastal zones. In Cuba, the process is much more organised and has included new regulations and decrees that call for an integrated management approach for achieving sustainability. Yet the greatest difference between the two legal settings lies in the political structure, which, in Venezuela, is marked by a multiplicity of political players that has no doubt impeded progress towards sound policies. This is quite different from the situation in Cuba.

It should be noted, however, that the two countries have a similar paradigm concerning the state's relationship with the environment. Environmental management is seen as something that governments do on behalf of the citizens they claim to represent (Bryant and Wilson 1998). The state takes responsibility for the management of natural resources with a top-down focus that is based on the views of experts. The process is dominated by decisions based on scientific arguments and the implementation of technically viable solutions. Nevertheless, recent years have seen progress, both by the state and by the various social sectors, in terms of recognising the importance of traditional and local ecological knowledge. Efforts have been made to give power over local management to the communities that are the immediate users of ecosystems.

Heterogeneous Communities within Vulnerable Ecosystems

Ecosystems, resources, and economic activities

Cuba and Venezuela have an extraordinary wealth of natural resources, and there are complex interrelationships between natural and social systems in both countries. Fishery resources are among the most important associated with the bays and the lagoon falling under our study. As well, there is a significant interrelationship with major ecosystems in the region (mangrove swamps, pasturelands, coral reefs, and beaches) that support valuable commercial species such as mullet, bream, sea bass, red snapper, anchovy, lobster, conch, prawns, and turtles, and a diversity of coastal plants and wildlife with many endemic species. There are also valuable mineral resources, including iron, copper, nickel, manganese, chrome, salt, and calcium carbonate. All of this wealth exists side by side with the beauty of the landscape and the aesthetic enjoyment it produces. The main features of the communities are summarised in Table 6.

TABLE 6
MAIN FEATURES OF THE SELECTED COMMUNITIES

La Laguna de Unare (10.07°N–10.02°N and 65.14°W–65.02°W) is part of the Piritu-Unare coastal lagoon complex on Venezuela's western coastline, formed about 5,000 years ago (Roa 1991). It receives significant water inflow from the valley of the Unare River (22,450 km²), as well as salt water from the Caribbean during periods when the mouths of the lagoon are open to the sea. Other rivers and streams of the Laguna Unare basin also provide water inflow. To a great extent, these hydraulic and marine dynamics determine the ecological conditions of the lagoon.

The lagoon completely dried up during the dry season (December–April) until the late 1970s. However, since 1980 the area has felt the effects from the construction of 14 dams upstream in the Unare Valley, which were built between 1964 and 1983. Now the lagoon has a more or less constant water surface (40–60 km²) throughout the year. This hydraulic regularisation has had secondary effects such as gradual desalination of the lagoon, causing the invasion of freshwater species. These include cichlids, aleman or 'German' grass from upstream ranching country, and water hyacinth from the reservoirs; mosquitoes have also increased. The Laguna Unare is a reservoir for species that migrate between sea, river, and lagoon. Some of the most valuable commercial species are white shrimp (Litopenaeus schmitti), lebranche or Brazilian mullet (Mugil lisa), and white mullet (Mugil curema). The production of these has had a major economic impact, exceeding US$4 million annually (INIA 2003).

The lagoon fishery is artisanal: fishers use nets cast from small, lowpowered outboard motorboats. The fishers manipulate the lagoon's hydraulics by opening the mouths of the Unare River and its two channels (the Mora and Nueva) through the isthmus which separates the lagoon from the sea. The ecosystem is also exploited by poachers who use illegal fishing equipment and methods, as well as by trawlers that frequently penetrate within the 9.75 km (6-mile) limit set for the artisanal fishery. Although their exact number is not known, it is estimated that there are some 500 fishers operating permanently in the lagoon, a figure that rises considerably during peak production times.

The Bay of Cienfuegos (or Jagua), is located in the south central portion of Cuba and is the most important local natural resource. The entire economic and social life of the region revolves around it, and it has influenced local traditions, customs, and legends since the nineteenth century. The shoreline and its attendant activities (such as fishing, beach activities, and scuba diving) are deeply rooted in Cienfuegos culture. The bay is nearly landlocked, being what is called a 'pocket bay', with a surface area of 88.46 km², a shoreline of 100 km, and a total volume of 1.84 km³. It is 19 km long and 7.5 km at its widest point, with an average depth of roughly 9.5 m. Nature has divided it into two basins separated by a shoal (Las Cuevas) with an average depth of 1.5 m. This greatly influences water circulation within the ecosystem.

The access channel is narrow and tortuous, being 3.6 km long and between 30 and 50 m deep toward the middle. Its geography imposes limits on navigation because it forms a canyon containing coral reefs along with steeply eroded cliffs. Within the bay there are 50 promontories and 20 coves or inlets, three of which are used as shelter for small and mid-sized vessels during high winds. The most important coastal formations of the bay include rocky and sandy beaches, mangrove forests, marl deposits, sea grape groves, coastal scrubland (manigua), and dry bush. Vegetation is degraded in the eastern sector. The bay is dotted with 14 small islands or cays, the largest of which are Cayo Carenas, Cayo Ocampo, and Cayo Alcatraz (León et al. 2001).

This ecosystem exhibits estuarine characteristics and is strongly influenced by the seasonal flow of four rivers. During the rainy season (June to October) that flow dominates circulation and the bay becomes a highly stratified estuary. For the rest of the year, the influence of those rivers is minimal, and the waters of the bay reach oceanic degrees of salinity at around 30 to 32 percent. The length of time water remains in the bay varies inversely with the flow of freshwater from the rivers and from precipitation. During the dry season, the flushing time is as long as 32 days, while in the rainy season it is reduced to seven, indicating that the bay has a high water-renewal capacity. Tide action is semidiurnal: there are two high tides and two low tides in 24 hours, with an average height of 25 cm. Winds are generally light, with an average speed of 2.5 m per second; the prevailing breeze is from the northeast in the morning and at night and from the south in the afternoon.

The third ecosystem—the bay of Santiago of Cuba—is located on the southern coast of the island's eastern region, in the central portion of the Basin (Cuenca) of Santiago de Cuba, at 19.97° N and 72.87° W. It was formed by subsidence along a north-running fault system that originated through tectonic erosion. It is a pocket bay with an extremely narrow mouth (225 m wide). The bay is 9 km long and 3 km at its greatest width. Its average depth is 8 m, and it is 21 m at its deepest point. The surface area is 11.9 km², its perimeter is 41.35 km, and the total volume of water is 90 million m³. Its shoreline is highly irregular, marked by six inlets or coves, the largest of which is the Ensenada Miradero. There are two islands within the bay: Cayo Raton and the densely populated Cayo Granma. Tidal flow averages 3.5 million m³ and the water is renewed only every 18 days, a rate that promotes pollution. This ecosystem receives inflow from five significantly polluted rivers: the volume of wastewater entering the ecosystem is approximately 3 million m³ per day, while the volume of polluted rainwater is 110,000 m³ per day (Gómez, Abrahantes, and Larduet 2001). In the middle of this setting stands Cayo Granma. Its physical context continues to be altered to accommodate living conditions along with facilities for agriculture, shipping, fishing, recreation, tourism, housing, energy resources, and other social needs. As a result, there are measurable and accelerating impacts upon Cayo Granma such as eutrophication, degradation, loss of habitat and species, and erosion of coastline and beaches.

The blue crab (Callinectes sapidus) is a valuable fishing resource that plays a great role in the community's identity. Its importance is symbolised by the community's trademark event: an annual crab-fishing contest called the Carijai, held every April. This event is widely covered by press and radio, and attracts children from the island and from nearby communities (Gómez et al. 2003).

The three ecosystems demonstrate the coexistence of different social and economic uses such as the preservation of nature, shipping and port activities, tourism and recreation, industrial development, urban areas, and fishing. Conflicts result in serious environmental problems such as pollution and sedimentation caused by the use of outdated and environmentally unfriendly technologies. There is little investment in environmental protection, and treatment plants are improperly used or defective, agricultural practices are inappropriate, and there is no integrated management of the watersheds that drain into the bays. These problems have been closely monitored and, in the case of Cienfuegos Bay, an integrated coastal resource management plan has been proposed to mitigate these conflicts. In Santiago, comprehensive efforts are being made to introduce proper management. However, it must be recognised that all of these conflicts stem from inadequately planned development that lacks a contextual and integrated vision. Sustainability is unachievable under these sorts of conditions.

Pollution and related problems

While there are some specific problems that affect each of the coastal zones we studied, it is pollution from various kinds of solid and liquid wastes that is the principal environmental issue common to the three ecosystems, and it is having multiple negative impacts on them. People must fully comprehend the environmental problem before actions can be started that will promote sustainable development. This means taking into account the existence and heterogeneity of coastal nations and cities, along with the characteristics of the industrial sector. It is one of the main sources of pollution in the coastal zone and has a sharp impact on natural resources and ecosystems of great ecological importance. Impacts include the conversion of mangrove swamps to agriculture and the attendant implications for the functioning of adjacent ecosystems. There are other environmental pressures, such as from tourism. There are also inherent risks in passenger and freight shipping, particularly the spilling of hydrocarbons and dumping of ballast, which introduce species of toxic phytoplankton. Other problems arise from erosion emanating from deforestation and improper management of farmlands, discharge of wastewater, wastes from domestic and industrial sources, and dumping of hazardous substances. Dumping is a particular concern because of the consequent increase in the concentration of heavy metals in the water column and sediments.

Heavy-metal pollution is an especially important aspect of the three ecosystems, particularly because its concentrations are increasing due to human activity. These substances are widely distributed, being used in a broad range of industrial and technical applications. Therefore, the problem is a consequence of industrial development.

Another major issue is population growth, which is generating a series of problems and conflicts of a socioenvironmental nature, including increased pollution and the depletion of resources. These exacerbate existing conflicts between various users and stakeholders, and introduce new conflicts. In the Caribbean region, the situation is particularly critical because coastal pollution problems are clearly associated with the lack of strategic development plans (Tran, Eúan-Ávila and Isla 2002) at the local, national, and regional levels, an issue that becomes even more complicated with the unequal distribution of resources and of economic opportunities for individuals. The communities we studied also exhibit some obvious social problems deriving from population growth. In many cases, these include cultural implications such as migration to suburban areas, which in turn generate conflicts between migrants and the local population. This phenomenon is clearly visible in Cayo Granma, where migration brings customs and habits more associated with rural farm life than with coastal living. During the course of several generations, conflicts over migration issues have evolved into conflicts of identity. Obviously, an analysis of pollution must start with industrial development and the accelerating process of urbanisation, with the consequent growth of cities and their demands.

In these three ecosystems there are problems such as the loss of biodiversity, imbalances, eutrophication and pollution of waters, introduction of exotic species, overfishing, degradation, loss of habitat, fallout from improper farming practices, and use of inappropriate fishing techniques. There is no evidence to show that communities established here are making sustainable use of natural resources, specifically coastal and marine resources, although there are some signs of a shift at the local level, where a few steps towards sensible practices are now underway. We may, however, refer to other specific problems that do not necessarily relate to pollution. For instance, Laguna Unare is a very rich ecosystem with great aesthetic value and available resources. Unfortunately it suffers from problems such as sedimentation, coastal erosion, disruption and loss of biodiversity, destruction of mangrove forests, and disruption of the hydraulic regime. In many cases, inadequate enforcement of environmental legislation does little to promote recovery or protection of the ecosystems. To this can be added poor planning of the fishery, overexploitation of resources, and problems in applying knowledge to natural resource management.

Although pollution is an important issue in all three ecosystems, the bays of Cienfuegos and Santiago are particularly exposed to nearby urban and suburban activities, and to continuing population growth because of migration sparked by the development of the provincial capital cities. In contrast, Laguna Unare is more influenced by inland activities in communities and areas remote from the ecosystem itself. The implication is that the limits of action must be carefully defined to achieve integrated management of the ecosystem. Strategies designed to enlist popular support through environmental education must take this situation into account.

Socioenvironmental diversity and community attitudes

Table 7 summarises the distinctive characteristics of the three ecosystems. There are some clear differences from the socioeconomic, cultural, political, and ecological viewpoints, and these have a defining impact on lifestyles, education approaches, and ways of doing things.

As noted earlier, when we were in Cuba we worked in two coastal communities located on major bays. Cayo Granma has 748 inhabitants and is particularly significant because its principal economic activity is not fishing. Instead, the people devote themselves to other activities, and many of them work outside the community. In all the studies we conducted, transportation proved to be a significant problem. This community stands in a setting greatly affected by industrial pollution, and it feels as though it is under siege and isolated because of its particular geographic features. O'Bourque is a somewhat larger community of 1,300 inhabitants located on the Bahia de Cienfuegos, which exhibits more of the features of an urban community.

In Laguna Unare, we worked with three communities. Ciudad Boca de Uchire (capital of the municipality of San Juan Capistrano) is a predominantly tourist community. In contrast, artisanal fishing is more important in the rural villages of La Cerca and El Hatillo, in the municipality of Peñalver. The population of the zone is predominantly Mestizo. Boca de Uchire, with 7,586 inhabitants (2001 INE Census), was founded in the sixteenth century and stands on the western shore of the lagoon beside the main highway that links Caracas with the eastern part of the country. El Hatillo and La Cerca are located to the east of the lagoon, on a portion of the Unare isthmus that separates the lagoon from the Caribbean Sea. El Hatillo was founded by migrants from the Isla de Margarita, who established small livestock farms in the area. El Hatillo has 1,564 inhabitants (INE 2001). La Cerca is a smaller settlement, devoted primarily to fishing. Its name derives from the netting or fence that fishers place in the channel linking the lagoon to the Unare River, which prevents fish and shrimp from escaping into the sea during the months of October through March. The seasonal nature of the fishery means that people must devote themselves to other activities during the rest of the year, and some of them emigrate temporarily. For the most part, the political groupings and the larger businesses in the Unare area have a negative impact on development of the communities—a situation that creates disunity. This problem is perpetuated through programmes such as scholarships and unproductive jobs which benefit only their supporters. Thus, the relationship between the different sectors of the community and the emigrants overshadows relationships among members of the community itself.

TABLE 7
BAHÍA DE CIENFUEGOS, BAHÍA DE SANTIAGO DE CUBA, AND LAGUNA DE UNARE: ECOLOGY AND ECONOMY

The two Cuban communities are located on the edges of large bays in areas that have a historically complex pattern of uses. A comprehensive comparative analysis allowed us to identify their principal socioeconomic and environmental problems, and that analysis remains valid, after systematisation, for Laguna Unare. Through the method of observation and participatory diagnosis, generally speaking we were able to detect problems we were able to categorise into seven groups:

1. Problems associated with water pollution (beaches and marine environment): from garbage, sewage, chemical pollutants, septic tank spills, and oil.
   
   
2. Alteration of coastal processes: increase in erosion and disruption of shore dynamics.
   
   
3. Low levels of instruction: environmental, educational, cultural, legislative.
   
   
4. Problems of infrastructure and community services: lack of permanent garbage dumps, transportation problems, mini-dumps, overflowing septic tanks, water distribution problems, poor state of roads, poor condition of recreation facilities, and lack of public spaces for culture, sports, and recreation.
   
   
5. Social problems: alcoholism, unemployment, family violence, lack of employment alternatives, lack of attention to the community, and poor housing.
   
   
6. Problems with the availability of natural resources: improper fishing methods, general pollution, over-exploitation of resources, degradation and loss of habitat, decline in biodiversity, and inadequate resource management.
   
   
7. Loss of aesthetic values: a decline in the attractiveness of the landscape caused by pollution, faulty resource management, and lack of finance.

A more detailed analysis suggests that pollution problems have the greatest impact on the coastal communities, followed by social problems, along with infrastructure and service shortages. This calls for an operational analysis for use in devising an action plan. From this approach, the problems can be classified according to their potential solutions.

1. Problems inherent in the community that the community itself must resolve.
   
   
2. Problems inherent in the community and nearby businesses, which they can resolve separately or through joint action plans.
   
   
3. Problems that affect the community that can be resolved only with the help of government or other institutions.

While 90 per cent of the 31 problems we identified have at least one component that cannot be resolved by the community, the community has had an impact on 93 per cent of them. This demonstrates the importance of community management. The community did have direct influence on only 55 per cent of pollution problems, while in 77 per cent of cases, the solution depends on assistance from government and other institutions. When it comes to other problems, such as those relating to infrastructure and services, the community alone can influence solutions for 60 per cent, while with help from government and other institutions, 100 per cent can be addressed. This analysis allows us to weight problems when evaluating a community's general situation and to assess the potential for local management. It also helps to understand the community's viewpoint on various issues, and to visualise the success of a given project by analysing its objectives.

However, it is important to consider the community's perceptions of the problems detected. Figure 11 explains how the problems identified in each of the communities are viewed, according to the systematisation performed. That process must be conditioned by variables such as level of education, individual livelihoods, length of residence within the community, and personal interests.

The most important problems in the perceptions framework were those relating to pollution and infrastructure, followed by the availability of natural resources. In fact, the community feels greatly affected by these issues and it is here that community participation can be most useful in seeking solutions. Yet, as shown in Figure 11, there are some significant differences among the persons surveyed regarding their perception of other issues relating to low education levels and social problems, alterations of coastal processes, and loss of aesthetic values. In Laguna Unare, however, the community viewpoint gives priority to problems associated with infrastructure and the lack of financial resources, despite the severe impact of pollution. This reveals the need to take account of local peculiarities when designing strategies for community mobilisation and environmental education.

Figure 11
Problems identified at Cayo Granma

Figure 12
Impact interrelationships at Cayo Granma

Generally speaking, people see three broad groups of problems:

1. obvious problems that greatly affect the population;
   
   
2. problems recognised by the community that moderately affect the population; and
   
   
3. problems that are not recognised by the community very much.

By analysing the interrelation of impacts (Figure 12) we can pinpoint problems affecting habitat and health, the core community environmental issues. If we analyse the interrelationship between the three relevant aspects (impact on human health, environmental stress, and loss of biodiversity and habitat) it is clear that the focal point is the impact on health, which is conditioned by the other two aspects. This situation explains why health issues demand an immediate change of individual attitudes towards the environment—so that people will consciously minimise environmental stresses as well as biodiversity and habitat loss, key elements that have such a huge impact on improving people's living standards and health. Therefore, the overall education effort must include these three aspects. Notwithstanding this issue, integrating the community is the most important thing, regardless of the educational approach used.

Informing and Rallying Community Opinion

Environmental education: Goals and methods employed

We considered the following factors to develop environmental education activities in the three communities.

• Identifying community characteristics (cultural aspects, values, beliefs, and aspirations), socioeconomic conditions, infrastructure and services, livelihoods, and the environment. We conducted non-structured and semi-structured interviews for this purpose, and engaged in observation and conversation with stakeholders in various planned activities.
  
  
• Identifying the most important environmental problems in light of the activities pursued, through documentation, published studies, field visits, and workshops with fishers and community leaders.
  
  
• Identifying environmental factors that have an influence on the problem.
  
  
• Conducting successful experiments with international environmental education programmes.
  
  
• Identifying policies and regulations relating to the community and its problems.
  
  
• Emphasising principles of environmental education.
  
  
• Researching scientific and local folk knowledge about the problem.

Recognition of these elements allowed us to introduce environmental education programmes appropriate to the circumstances of each community. We also identified four steps that helped determine the success of each activity:

1. Reconciling the interests of all stakeholders involved in the issue.
   
   
2. Enlisting the active participation of government institutions and the overall community in developing policies. In the case of Venezuela, we used the local planning councils; in Cuba we used the popular councils.
   
   
3. Promoting the use of clean technologies in economic activities, using various means and incentives. Where people have access to infocentres, we encouraged their use.
   
   
4. Sensitising people to the need for sustainable development and emphasising their responsibility to help achieve it.

In Cuba, the national environment strategy treats environmental education as a key objective. As a result, in recent years, community work has increased and has become better organised. Within Cuban society there is a culture that implies strict adherence to highly standardised guidelines, where local peculiarities and interests may occasionally be overlooked. However, as a general rule, people are wholly or largely unaware of the legal framework in the different spheres of activity, and local management is weak. From a structural viewpoint, the popular councils represent popular government structures at the local level, formed and elected by the community itself. They offer exceptional possibilities for citizen participation, interaction, coordination, and integration of the various community stakeholders. Recent years have seen a trend to decentralisation, as ways are sought to empower local management in a macro-social context heavily influenced by a complex economic situation, and a micro-social context where some demands are conditioned by the macro environment. Other demands, which are no less important, are specific. Today, conflicts in national development strategies work their way into the local context. For example, tourism development is being pursued from a defined economic perspective, in terms of a compromise between economic development and integrated management of the coastal zone.

In the Cuban communities, the projects approached environmental education from different focuses and levels of priority. In Cayo Granma, instruction at the primary school level is being offered at the request of the community itself. The project's basic objective was to supplement efforts to monitor water for hazardous events and to involve the community in the sampling. Another goal of instruction was to sensitise people to the effects of polluted water on their health and to emphasize its connection with ecosystem pollution. A holistic focus was used, which entailed a thematic, conceptual, and methodological approach defined in advance, and incorporated actions for conservation and preservation of the ecosystem.

In O'Bourque, environmental education was a project objective from the outset: the goal was similar to that of the other projects, but was general rather than linked to a specific theme. The research group proposed this project to the community because an interdisciplinary workshop had selected it so as to compare environmental-education approaches in different contexts within the same ecosystem. The project goal was to enable this coastal community to achieve real and effective participation in resolving its own local environmental problems through a shift in environmental thinking.

In the case of Laguna Unare, the environmental education programme was designed to create public awareness of the most important problem in the lagoon: pollution. The focus was on aspects such as wildlife diversity— with particular emphasis on shrimp (the most important economic resource of the lagoon) and birds (because the zone is a major reservoir for local and migratory birds), and conservation of mangroves (which have been heavily impacted by human activity and treated as an unwanted plant). The most important aspects of the programme are based on sensitising people through various scientific, artistic, and environmental activities. These have been designed to encourage the community to think about its consumption patterns, its impact on the environment, and its shared responsibility.

Our working approach (as depicted in Figure 13) involved reaching out to the community in different ways. For example, with the Cuban projects, the methods for approaching the community differed from those used in Laguna Unare. In Cayo Granma the approach was made through the community leaders, who rallied key stakeholders. A community workshop contributed decisively to reformulating the objectives of the projects and, as a priority, identified the need to work with children through the school. In the end, it was the children who mobilised their families and, through them, the community.

Figure 13
Stakeholders and community outreach in Cuba

Involvement in designing a development project serves as a motivation for the community. For this reason it was important to select a strategic point or central focus for the project, such as habitat and health. The harmful algae which blooms around Cayo Granma was selected as the focal point in this instance. Any focal point must be neutral and must appeal to as many people as possible. Notwithstanding the methodological differences, all our working experience suggested that it would be best to select schools in every village for launching the project, and that they could represent a factor for success despite all the different contexts. Schools not only provide formal environmental education for students but also constitute a key point in the process of instruction and training for teachers, parents, and the community in general, through what we may call a multiplier effect. This does not mean that the entire environmental education programme has to start in the schools. Such a decision must be made after examining each community, as was done in the cases we discuss here. It is also important to consider the ability of the school principals to show leadership, and the degree of their personal involvement within the community, as well as the characteristics of each group of students and the willingness of teachers to participate in the programme.

In Laguna Unare we began by working directly with the school and the fishers in order to reach the broader community (Figure 14). The school was regarded as a neutral point for assembling all the children in the village. Thus, we were able to achieve a multiplier effect by providing training in environmental aspects for teachers, parents, and representatives. In all cases, the school proved the key to rallying the community. This was particularly true in the lagoon because of villagers' reluctance to discuss issues relating to it, and because the great number of research projects underway in the zone engendered a local mistrust of outsiders. In addition, the presence of groups led by people belonging to different political parties made it difficult to bring the whole community together. Nevertheless, we made contact with other stakeholders in the community and found there was a variety of public and private institutions and other groups conducting activities in the Unare area. These included political parties, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), universities, privately-financed foundations, government institutes, and municipal, regional, and national agencies. We designed a virtual network called the "Community of Knowledge of Unare" (http://unare.org) in an attempt to pool individual efforts and ensure access to information on the research work and documents prepared. A multiple-scale analysis of local to national stakeholders and interests was indispensable.

At that point, we proposed and encouraged joint activities with other stakeholders. Reaching the community involved understanding the bulk of interactions that take place in Unare or affect Unare and its people. The environmental education programme included multidisciplinary activities to foster thinking among participants as well as provide information, the primary purpose of which was to change public attitudes towards environmental problems. Activities ranged from formal events, such as a series of environmental chats and workshops for teachers, to informal ones, such as educational games designed around specific issues.

Figure 14
Stakeholders and community outreach in Venezuela

Working with key stakeholders

As the key stakeholder in this effort, the community must be involved in the entire educational process from the outset, and is the main player in the process. The dynamics of developing educational programmes in the various communities led us to understand that it is the community that must lead the process. Support is provided by scientific institutions, and researchers are involved as coaches or coordinators. In this way, these bodies can contribute to the sustainability of the education projects and to the transparency and acceptance of the strategies that are put forward.

Another important goal is sensitising the population. Our experience with these three projects shows the utility of integration activities. These included discussion sessions with professionals, as requested by the community and students, to ensure that the projects would have an impact on teaching. Environmental sessions were shown to permit successful outreach to the community and offered the opportunity to transmit specific messages on local issues, as well as the actions to be taken by each player. These activities were organised jointly with children, teachers, parents, and representatives. Other activities included the celebration of important dates, pageants in which people dressed up in masks of local animals, expert-led school discussions on reforestation to promote sound practices, and educational and recreational outings. These were accompanied by a series of chat sessions, ecological learning games, painting workshops on specific themes, role-playing games in conflict resolution, and diagnostic workshops for identifying children's viewpoints on community problems and the environment (something that proved very useful in the Bay of Santiago). There were also discussion sessions with scientists and university students from various fields, as well as with leaders of other projects. All recounted their experiences in a chat group, where children and other members of the community could also describe their own personal experiences. Some of the activities suggested by the children and other inhabitants proved very valuable: fishing days, beach clean-ups, and walks through the community to establish an environmental watchdog network were initiatives in which the community played a decisive role with the researchers. Using this approach, during visits with university students we made sure that the children and the community leaders could explain details about the community. They had to explain how it functioned and what its problems were, thereby paving the way for a transparent exchange of ideas with the scientists. All these practices contributed to creating an atmosphere between the community and work team that facilitated the participatory process. This strategy also encouraged the community to become involved in and respond to the challenges of a project that included environmental education among its objectives.

It is important to maintain a multidisciplinary view of the environment and a holistic approach at all times, regardless of the project's guiding theme. In communities where pollution problems are identified, as was the case with the villages studied, the focus of the environmental education programme must embrace all aspects of the problem: health, ecosystem balance, availability of resources and quality of services, nutrition, education, and recreation. In the end, we must offer a comprehensive, informal education that will contribute to the community's well-being. In all cases, there must be stress on functional integration of hydrographic basins with coastal zones. These aspects turned out to be crucial in the work conducted in the communities under study.

It is also essential to promote participation by civil society in the decisionmaking process, since in the final analysis it is the ordinary citizen who interacts with the environment, either through spontaneous individual action or through institutions. Therefore, it is essential that this action be increasingly conscious and responsible. Appreciating this participation depends on the cultural viewpoint or lens through which it is viewed. On this point, De Souza (2004) offers three visions of the world through which humanity has passed and that coexist today: the mechanical vision, the market-oriented vision, and the contextual vision.

De Souza's work raises the question of what we understand by community participation and how we assess it. There is no doubt that, within these visions, we must promote use of the cultural lens of contextuality to look at our surroundings and to project development with conscious, active, and effective participation, where responsibilities and ethical values are oriented towards a higher quality of life. Whether or not it is preceded by a process of instruction, community participation was of great value to our work on these three projects. In Cayo Granma we were able to establish a permanent system of participatory surveillance that allowed for systematic water analysis and for determining possible causes of unwanted phenomena. In Cienfuegos we were able to spark a beach clean-up campaign involving the systematic collection of solid wastes as part of community self-management.

Handling environmental information is a key issue in environmental education: this proved a weak point in the communities studied. The need to process information properly is clear from Ripoll's principle (2004): the better informed a community is about the impact of pollution, the less susceptible that society will be to sensationalism in the media, and the less the work of decision-makers will be held hostage to pressure from uninformed opinions.

Therefore, scientific knowledge must be socialised. If a community is to achieve its aspirations to participate in decision-making about the marine environment, that community must exercise 'informed participation'. Only in this way will the community's presence in government debate have practical meaning and be more than a mere formality; only in this way can the participatory process be efficient, effective, and, above all, authentically grassroots. In light of these considerations, we must note that this is a weak point in the communities studied. The outcome is sometimes conditioned not only by inadequate information processing but also by the world view and the understanding of science and technological innovation held by those involved in the process. This information must be processed so as to reach every level of the community.

Judging from our working experience in these three communities, inhabitants are moderately well informed about some aspects of interest to the ecosystem. But the sources of information are varied and need to be strengthened and channelled more effectively so as to involve all stakeholders. We noted that some sectors of the local population, such as the fishers, have a very rich scientific vocabulary for aspects of the ecosystem, thanks to their interaction with researchers and academics. This has been strengthened and diversified in recent years, leaving at least this as a positive outcome.

Just as processing information is important, so is the flow of information between state agencies and the community. As a general rule it is inadequate. An example of this can be found in the garbage dump located on the outskirts of Laguna Unare, which was the source of serious problems for the community, as noted in the environmental analysis. None of the government institutions accepted any responsibility for resolving the problem. We produced a report on the damage caused by the garbage dump, which was sent to the Ministry of Environment in Anzoategui and to the local state press. Subsequently, a series of meetings was held between the municipal government and the environment ministry to find solutions to the problem (Diario El Norte 2003). The dump was finally closed and moved to another site. This example shows the influence that the news media can have in solving an environmental problem. In this case, the factor driving the decision was a newspaper report that unleashed a number of efforts to find solutions.

One positive experience can be cited in the case of Cayo Granma, where a framework for dialogue was established between the community and the companies that were dumping waste into the ecosystem. Under the leadership of the provincial government and CITMA, the results were excellent. In the case of O'Bourque, again, publicising project results via radio, TV, the press, and dialogue between researchers and government constituted a way of rallying a community that felt 'forgotten and neglected', and strengthening the commitment to improve the community's relationship with its surroundings. Now that this work is known, other projects are beginning to turn to the community for basic information, and they are supplementing the environmental education work under way in the community.

If an environmental education programme is to succeed there must be mechanisms for the flow and dissemination of information. In many coastal communities the traditional means of communication is by word of mouth, and there are no local print media except for district, regional, and national newspapers, whose distribution can be affected by transportation problems. For this reason, coastal dwellers tend to listen to the radio. The oral tradition means that information becomes distorted by the time it reaches its final destination; therefore, we recommend further work to improve channels of communication. The news media have an important role to play as disseminators of information and as catalysts and mediators in dispute settlement. The radio, press, and local TV must all be enlisted. In the case of Cuba, the government has made great efforts to maintain educational and informational programmes that have contributed to better work with the communities. There are also significant local efforts in radio.

Our working experience with the three projects also highlighted the importance of traditional knowledge. In the coastal communities studied, we found that children and women have valuable knowledge of aspects relating to fishing, plants, wildlife, ecosystem dynamics, the impact of the climate on sea-related economic activities, the impact of fishing, the use of different fishing methods, and the ecological and population dynamics of the principal fishery resources. Women are also greatly involved in planning the economic activities of the family. However, the greatest source of knowledge is the men who go to sea. Excluding them would be a great mistake, and that is why there was an initiative to appoint an environmental 'reporter' in Cayo Granma who keeps an environmental diary for the community. The community selected the oldest active fisherman for this duty, and both the children and community leaders have been helping him in his work. This initiative has been of great practical and documentary value.

Our analysis confirms that it is impossible to decontextualise each practice in the different communities. Therefore, it is important to consider the ecological context as well. Taking into account the environmental problems of the communities studied, as well as the laws for making people aware of them, is crucial. Only in this way can we define environmental principles that truly encourage community involvement—and that will serve to design strategies for the care and protection of a community's environment. We identified key strategies that we included for all three communities studied:

• use of natural resources within the limits of their regeneration capacity;
  
  
• conscious use and management of wastes;
  
  
• conservation of natural resources: species, habitat, and landscape (coastal and submarine);
  
  
• conscious and careful use of essential natural resources (water);
  
  
• conservation and improvement of the local environment;
  
  
• environmental information, training, and education; and
  
  
• sustained communication and coordination among stakeholders.

With respect to environmental information, training, and education, it must be recognised that, however much information we may have, it will be of no use as a working tool unless it is communicated. This fact emphasises the need to integrate the social and natural sciences.

Science is in the process of integration because society is demanding integrated solutions. Environmental education and instruction can start from essential situations related to health as a function of habitat improvement, or it can start from habitat, which in the final analysis conditions health (Figure 15). Thus, environmental education can contribute to improving both and, provided the core aspects are addressed, the focus of the process can be directed at one problem in particular or else address all the problems. Figure 15 represents key elements in the framework for environmental education.

Figure 15
Community settings: key elements for environmental education

Environmental education, information, and instruction will work to the extent that people are aware of their problems and are motivated to find solutions, without necessarily having an action plan that calls for formal, classroom-type information sessions. This is especially true for children and youth, who were identified as important social players in both communities and who are the community leaders of tomorrow.

It must be emphasised that solving the problems of tomorrow will depend on educating the children and youth of today. Training human resources at an early age is crucial so that in the future they can take decisions about coastal resources. Developing a new mentality that incorporates the environmental dimension into the vision of development is sure to guarantee sustainability in the future. The concept of environmental education includes fostering environmental literacy, understanding, and awareness. Environmental literacy means having a basic understanding of worldwide ecological phenomena, including the greenhouse effect, the thinning of the ozone layer, and endangered species. Environmental understanding means recognising that issues such as water pollution and species extinction pose moral dilemmas that go beyond technological solutions, whether imposed or chosen. Environmental awareness means accepting that environmental issues raise political problems that must be resolved politically.

Lessons learned and factors for success

We derived several valuable lessons from our experience in the three communities.

1. Social and political dimension condition interaction with the community. Both the macro- and the micro-settings have an influence.
   
   
2. If projects are to be sustainable over time, the community should be encouraged to put forward its own initiatives, because it is difficult for a community to accept decisions or initiatives imposed from outside. On the other hand, when a community proposes a task, it must be committed to it. In most cases the community's decisions will be sound because they reflect multiple interests.
   
   
3. The community must be involved in the project from the outset. This is a key factor for success, because it commits the community up front, through its leaders or key personalities. It fosters transparent dialogue, allows potential risks to the project to be identified, encourages the pursuit of home-grown initiatives, and ensures that proposed tasks will not conflict with the community's own dynamics.
   
   
4. The community must document its environmental memory. The preparation of trend scenarios during an environmental project can sustain a community's environmental memory. Systematic sampling must evaluate environmental changes or natural and man-made variables that can affect the interpretation of given results. The presence in Cayo Granma of an environmental reporter united the community because, with the community's help, he documented daily happenings related to the environment, its uses, and its principal resources. This reporting function also strengthened environmental awareness, and based on documentation it enabled an assessment of such issues as high-risk months for oil spills, causes of coloration changes in the water, zones most at risk from improper fishing methods, and conflicting uses.
   
   
5. Sensitising or training community leaders is a factor for success.
   
   
6. The environmental issue, specifically the problem of pollution, constitutes an entry point into the community. It is important to recognise that pollution problems relating to human health and environmental stresses (along with their general consequences and loss of habitat or biodiversity) are perceptible. Therefore, they represent a concern for the community.
   
   
7. Participation by the working team in training programmes on topics such as integrated coastal zone management can promote interdisciplinary research and prepare the team for interdisciplinary work. A team's capacity for this type of work is a key factor for success.
   
   
8. Traditional ecological knowledge and the community's recommendations for environmental solutions must be respected and taken into account.
   
   
9. Communities are demanding links to businesses. Because they are the link integrating key stakeholders in the management of coastal resources, the role of the researcher is crucial (Figure 16). Academia also plays an important role in reconciling and reinforcing links between the community and local industry or businesses. The academic role in the Cuban projects was important for strengthening links with industry, government, and the community. This helped to bring about a rapprochement between government and community, between community and industry, and between government and industry, not only in terms of production levels, profitability, and efficiency but also on issues relating to the environment, sustainability, and coastal resource management. In Figure 16, Model A represents the Cuban case. It is supported by academia, although the researcher and the project itself are important as the organisational and operational key for intersectoral articulation. However, in Model B, the Venezuelan case, NGOs are involved: the project has an articulating and reconciling element because it is designed as a collaborative effort among the different sectors.
   
   
10. Environmental education of children is a key factor for success. Work with children is less susceptible to political conflicts: the school is a neutral setting and a centre of power from the viewpoint of training and instruction. Children can help to rally the community through the family. Working with children is attractive, and there are compelling interests that facilitate paying attention to them. In the communities we studied, children played a clear mobilising role.
    
    
11. It is critical to disseminate results. In communities that feel isolated or neglected, disseminating the results of their joint efforts with other sectors in resolving specific problems is motivating.
    
    
12. Women have the potential to maintain community interest, to raise awareness, and to mobilise. It is important to recognise their importance not only in the community, but also in terms of their participation in the project team, and as decision-makers in government, industry, and academia.
    
    
13. The commitment of the institutions supporting the project will condition the model for action. In the communities we studied, institutions supporting the projects in Cuba are the universities, while in Venezuela there is an alliance of NGOs with close ties to the academic world.
    
    
14. Reconciling interests with other institutions or projects operating in the community or its surroundings is a key factor for success.

Figure 16
Models of environmental education in Cuba and Venezuela

Conclusions

In the communities and ecosystems studied, pollution has its greatest effect on fishery resources, the population, and the local economy. The most severe impacts on these factors come from dumping liquid and solid waste and from commercial fishing. These may be the reason for the recent appearance of harmful algal blooms (HABs) at Cayo Granma, for instance, where the local population is completely unaware of the phenomenon as well as its implications.

Similarly, through the project, people became more aware of the presence of heavy metals as an important consequence of industrial activity, recognising for the first time their impact on human health. Pollution is a priority in the perceptual framework of coastal communities, but even if the causes are similar it is crucial to tailor educational efforts to the interests of each key stakeholder, and to analyse specific local aspects. In this respect, it is good to involve children through the schools as a way to rally the community through the family.

There are specific contextual situations at the economic and social level to consider while conducting citizen-participation processes in each community that are designed to strengthen local management. Researchers must bear in mind that communities are heterogeneous, even if they are part of similar sociopolitical or geo-environmental contexts.

We hope that this chapter, with its emphasis on interdisciplinary collaboration, has re-enforced the idea that environmental education can provide useful support for a CBCRM approach in the Caribbean.

References

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De Souza, J. 2004. El cambio de época y las relaciones cambiantes cienciatecnología- sociedad-innovación. Master's thesis, Universidad de Cienfuegos, Cuba.

Diario El Norte. 2003. In Un botadero de basura en expansión atenta aún más contra la Laguna de Unare, Regional News Section, 20 January, p. 3.

Gómez, L., N. Abrahantes, and Y Larduet. 2001. Contaminación y biodiversidad en ecosistemas acuáticos. El fitoplancton de la Bahía de Santiago de Cuba. Revista de Investigaciones Marinas 22(3).

Gómez, L., F. Ocaña, Y. Licea, A. Fernández, M. Díaz, N. Rodríguez, and M.E. Espronceda. 2003. proceedings of the CaricostasInternational Conference for Research Report, University of Orient, Santiago de Cuba.

INAPESCA. 2004. Web site: www.inapesca.gov.ve/. Accessed September 2004.

INE. 2001. National Institute of Statistics 2001 Census. Caracas.

INIA. 2003. Estudio para el establecimiento ecológico en las lagunas de Píritu y Unare, Estado Anzoátegui, Etapa B, Producto 2, Caracas, September. Technical Report for the Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources, Environmental Management Programme, Venezuela.

León, A., M. Araujo, M. Castellanos, C. Serra, I. Figueroa, A. Muñoz, and M. Caraballo. 2001. Final project report: Manejo integrado de la Bahía de Cienfuegos. Programmea Territorial Científico-Técnico de Medio Ambiente [Integrated Management of the Bahia de Cienfuegos. Territorial Environmental Science Programme]. Province of Cienfuegos. CEAC-UMA Cienfuegos. 95.

Ripoll, R. 2004. Nuevos enfoques para la educación ambiental en materia de contaminación marina generada por la industria naviera. Proceedings of the Comunidad y Mar (COMAR) international meeting. CITMA (Ministerio de Ciencia, Tecnología y Medio Ambiente), Havana, Cuba.

Roa, P. 1991. Sediments and Quaternary study of the coastal lagoon of Unare (Venezuela). In Proceedings of the Seventh Symposium on Coastal and Ocean Management, Long Beach, California, July 8–12, 2271–83.

Tran, K., J. Eúan-Ávila, and M. Isla. 2002. Public perception of development issues: Impact of water pollution on a small coastal community. Ocean and Coastal Management (45):405–20.

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