Document(s) 24 of 37

Issues and events in Africa attract little attention in the world press (Livingston and Eachus 2000). The deficiencies in international media coverage of the 1994 Rwanda genocide have been well established, and there is a considerable body of literature on Western media coverage of Africa in general (Alozie 2005a). But most researchers have focused on the performance of European or Western news media. Few have examined the coverage that African media outlets in one country afford to events taking place in another African country. Do African media, by virtue of geographic proximity or their situation in the African context, do a better job in their analyses and news reports of events on the continent?

This study attempts to discern the frames that dominated the coverage of the 1994 Rwandan crisis and genocide in two leading African newspapers: Kenya's Daily Nation and Nigeria's Guardian. It looks at the period from the start of the genocide, on 7 April 1994 through to the end of June. These two newspapers were chosen because of their prominence in their regions and indeed in Africa and also because one is published in Kenya – one of Rwanda's neighbours – while the other is in Nigeria on the other side of the continent.

There was a great deal of overlap between the two newspapers with regard to the major frames established. Both papers also went to considerable lengths to explore the background to the crisis and its greater implications. This is important considering that Western media are often accused of failing to do just that. However, there were also differences in coverage. The national/regional interest emerged as a theme in the Daily Nation but did not develop in coverage by the Guardian. This focus was evidently a result of Kenya's proximity to Rwanda – not the fact that the Nation is an African newspaper. And although both papers devoted considerable space and resources to covering the Rwanda events, over time, the Daily Nation offered more comprehensive accounts while the Guardian's attention waned.

THE ROLE OF THE MASS MEDIA IN AFRICA

The establishment of national media outlets and telecommunication components, coupled with cooperative efforts among African countries to develop communication links, attest to the fact that governments realize the importance of effective communication for promoting national development and international diplomacy (Pratt 1996). However, Africa still lags woefully behind in the development of media and information and communications technologies (De Beer 2004). Hachten (2004) blames the underdeveloped status of African media and communications on the inadequate financial, technical and telecommunications resources and the lack of professional manpower. De Beer (2004) includes the legacy of slavery, apartheid, colonialism and imperialism as contributing factors. Zaffiro (1993) identified characteristics of both democratic and autocratic African states:

• Skewed, urban-based centralization of infrastructure, resources and audiences;
  
  
• Emphasis on comings and goings and images of top national political leaders, particularly the president;
  
  
• Heavy and often conflicting demands on media institutions to serve national development, to inform, educate and entertain;
  
  
• General lack of diversity of information and focus between different national media organs;
  
  
• Structure that ensures top-down communications flow and is susceptible to monopolization and political manipulation.

In this era of globalization, when information and communications technologies have become a mainstay of international economic and political activities, many African governments are shifting their policies to enhance the growth of the communication sector and engaging in cooperative efforts to improve communications. The revival can be attributed to press freedom and economic liberalization that have promoted private ownership, technical acquisition and enhanced professional assistance and development (Alozie 2005b; Onwudiwe and Ibelema 2003). But development of information and communications technologies is still slow (Eribo 2004) and the rate of progress differs from one nation to another. Few Africans are regular Internet users, for example, owing to cost and access problems.

The degree of control over and restrictions on freedom of the press vary greatly among African countries. For example, Kenya and Nigeria have a tradition of a relatively liberal and independent press, whereas Rwanda is restrictive (BBC 2005a). Kenya is one of the few African countries where the existence of a large middle class provides substantial advertising revenue. Like most Africans, Kenyans rely on the broadcast media, particularly radio, for news. Although electronic and print media are in both private and government hands following recent liberalization, in the past the government dominated and owned the broadcast station. The reach of radio and television is expanding nationally, unlike in the past when only Nairobi and other major cities enjoyed adequate coverage. The BBC World Service, the Voice of America and Radio France Internationale are relayed on full-time FM stations in various parts of the country.

In Nigeria, ownership of print media is in both private and government hands. Currently, Nigeria has about 150 consumer publications including dailies, magazines, periodicals and industrial and professional journals (BBC 2005b). All 36 states run their own radio stations and most of them operate television services. Broadcast services reach rural and urban areas in most regions, but television viewing tends to be concentrated more in urban areas and among the affluent. Nigeria has a handful of privately owned broadcasting outlets, but the television industry is limited by high costs and scarce advertising revenues. International services are reaching Nigeria through the Internet, cable and satellite services. Radio is very common and serves as the main source of information for Nigerians of all socio-economic and educational levels.

The government of Rwanda owns the only television network in the country and a large number of the radio stations (BBC 2005c). It regulates electronic broadcasting and imposes censorship on the press. The first privately owned radio station since 1994 was established in 2004 and has since been joined by a cluster of competitors. Radio played a significant propaganda role during the 1994 crisis. Rwanda's growing numbers of newspapers face government restrictions and generally exercise self-censorship. Some are outright pro-government. The BBC World Service, Voice of America and Deutsche Welle broadcast on FM in Kigali.

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

Interest in international communications and the number of studies of international news coverage and analysis have been on the rise for more than 30 years. The increase can be attributed to the greater interaction among people and nations, the need to examine and understand the flow and exchange of mass media artefacts and news across boundaries, coupled with the need to promote international diplomacy and understanding (Anokwa et al. 2003; Herman and Chomsky 1988; Kamalipour 2002; Strobel 1997). Research has examined who controls international communications, news content, news selection and news flow – attributes that affect news content and how national and international relations affect news coverage and analyses (Chang 1993; Galtung and Ruge 1970; Pool 1952; Shoemaker et al. 1991).

Most studies have concluded that national interest, trade volume, cultural affinity, political relations, conflicts and disaster and the presence of international news agencies influence international news coverage and coverage exerts an influence on public policy and the public. They have also found that the West and a small number of supra-news organizations in developed nations dominate international news and communications (Cho 2003; Golan 2003; Wanta et al. 2004; Wu 2000).

However, despite the rising interest and growing number of studies, little or nothing exists with regard to African mass media coverage and analysis of international issues and events. This is especially true of studies that deal with how the press in one African country monitors, covers and analyzes events, conflicts and related issues in another African country (Edeani 1994; Emenyonu 1995). This shortcoming exists despite the fact that, of all regions in the world, Africa has experienced and continues to experience the greatest number of internal and external conflicts as well as economic, social and political woes. A paucity of qualified researchers, lack of avenues for publication, inadequate financial and technical resources and government pressures have all been blamed for the gulf (Alozie 2005b; Ochola 1980). It could be argued that this failure hinders the promotion of knowledge about events and the role of the press in Africa. It also prevents African leaders and government from monitoring how their policies and actions are viewed, leading them to feel less accountable.

The few studies that do exist on African press coverage of international issues have often dealt with their coverage of events, issues and nations outside the continent or personalities visiting the continent who may have limited impact in Africa (Alozie 2004; Idowu 1987; Ibelema 2001; St. Clair 2004). Critics have alleged that these studies do not necessarily promote knowledge of Africa, influence events or have a direct impact on Africa because they are not focused on Africa. (It must be noted that some studies have examined domestic media and have dealt with development, internal strife and other related issues (Edeani 1994; Emenyonu 1995; Nwokeafor and Nwankwo 1993; Umaru Pate cited in Onwumechili and M'Bayo 1995).)

Critics argue that studies of African mass media and international news coverage have often focused on only a few countries and have been limited in scope (Ochola 1980). This is true in terms of the work of Nwokeafor and Nwankwo (1993), Edeani (1994) and Emenyonu (1995) on Nigerian mass media coverage of Africa. Umaru Pate's work on African press coverage of international concerns is important. The content analysis found that African mass media paid more attention to events outside the continent – especially those in Europe and the United States – than they did to events in Africa (Onwumechili and M'Bayo 1995). Critics who find these results startling contend that the African media have failed to monitor the governments in the region to hold them accountable for their policies and actions. On the other hand, those who are not surprised at Pate's findings contend that the greater attention paid to Europe and America is influenced by European colonization and African dependence on Europe and the United States for aid, trade and economic welfare.

Numerous studies have examined the portrayal of Africa in Western and other regional media (Biko et al. 2000; Fair 1996; Hawk 1992). Their common finding reveals that according to the Western press, Africa is plagued with political and socio-economic upheavals, is prone to violent conflicts and often suffers from natural disasters as well as disasters caused by human beings. Critics point out that Western news media tend to pay attention to Africa only when crises occur and fail to contextualize the stories they are covering. This practice has resulted in a negative image of Africa as a place where nothing works in spite of the progress the continent has made, considering its longstanding sufferings from slavery, colonialism and a battleground during the Cold War (Onwudiwe and Ibelema 2003).

METHODS

In this study, I use framing to examine the coverage and analyses of the 1994 Rwandan crisis and genocide from the outset of the genocide on 7 April 1994 through to 29 June 1994. Two leading African newspapers were chosen for study because of their prominence in their regions, and indeed in Africa, and also because one (the Daily Nation) is situated in Kenya, one of Rwanda's neighbours, and the other (the Guardian) is in Nigeria, an African giant to be sure, but located on the other side of the continent from Rwanda. The reliance on framing allows us to discern whether the focus of these newspapers overlaps or whether there were marked differences in content.

The approach

The process was straightforward. Using microfilm copies, a research assistant examined every page of the issues published during the period under study. He extracted every account that mentioned the Rwanda genocide in any way. The machine he was using allowed him to create portable document format (PDF) images of the pages containing the identified articles.

Qualitative analysis calls for sequential and multiple reading of the texts. The first step entailed a general reading to gain an understanding of the stories, while making descriptive notes about the content of the articles (Gavrilos 2002). The articles were read a second time, during which detailed notes were taken identifying certain recurring themes, frames, values and topic categories. These were used to develop a framework for a third reading – an in-depth interpretation of the articles. This third reading involved applying critical analysis techniques to gain a deeper understanding of the messages conveyed in the texts and thus discern their implications, connections, omissions, stance and values in relation to the theoretical underpinning and research questions being explored. The words 'international' and 'world' are used interchangeably to refer to countries and organizations outside the continent of Africa, while Africa or African refer to countries and organizations in Africa.

It is important to note that there is no 'correct' interpretation of these texts because a researcher's reading, like a journalist's, is filtered through the lens of that person's own experiences and opinions (Kellner 2003). Kellner points out that an analyst's interpretation of a text is only one probable understanding from a critic's subjective position, no matter how multiperspective, and may not necessarily be the assessment the audience prefers or the one offered by others.

The newspapers

The Daily Nation is a member of the Nation Media Group (NMG), founded by His Highness the Aga Khan and the largest independent media group in East Africa. The newspaper started publishing in 1960 with a promise to do its utmost to help Kenya and the other East African territories make the perilous transition to African majority rule and full independence as peacefully and constructively as possible. The newspaper has been characterized as a Kenyan national daily with a regional outlook. In its own promotional material, the newspaper says its history is closely entwined with that of modern Kenya, and the newspaper has remained true to its mission to be independent. Viewed as the leading multimedia house in the East African region with its major publications, The East African, The Advertiser, Monitor (Uganda) and Kiswahili papers Mwananchi and Mwana Spoti (Tanzania), the NMG has a strong presence in both print and electronic media as well as on the Internet, attracting a regular audience unparalleled in East Africa (Daily Nation 2005).

Since its inception more than 25 years ago, the Guardian has been consistently ranked as one of the leading dailies in Nigeria and enjoys a reputation as an independent voice because of its stand against military regimes, its critical examination of Nigeria's internal problems and its informed discussions of foreign affairs. Founded by Alex Ibru, one of Nigeria's foremost industrialists, the Guardian has a liberal philosophy, with the motto: 'Conscience, Nurtured by Truth'. Known for its balanced coverage of events and issues, on the domestic front, the paper is

committed to the best traditions and ideals of republican democracy. It believes that it is the responsibility of the state not only to protect and defend the citizen, but also to create the conditions, political, social, economic and cultural, in which all citizens may achieve their highest potential as human beings. It is committed to the principle of individual freedom, but believes that all citizens have duties as well as rights.

Its international mission states that it

believes that Nigeria is a legitimate member of the international community, but holds that she can best fulfill her international obligations only if her own security and integrity are assured. (Guardian 2005)

Framing: theoretical and methodological implications

The mass media use the relaying of information and news to influence society. Although they attempt to be objective, objectivity is difficult to achieve because the training, upbringing, religious, political and cultural orientations of journalists tend to influence how they report and analyze events and issues (Severin and Tankard 2001). Framing is used to understand the process that the mass media use in selecting content for public communication (Wikipedia 2005). The frame is an abstract notion that organizes or structures the meaning of artefacts. Mass media frames influence the audience's perception of the news; 'this form of agenda-setting not only tells what to think about an issue (agenda setting theory), but also how think to about that issue' (Value Based Management.net 2005). Auerbach and Bloch-Elkon (2005: 85) describe framing as a pattern for presenting and commenting on the news that organizes the political debate into what is comprehensible to the public.

Framing has grown as a methodological approach to discerning and interpreting the values and meaning conveyed in news. Employing framing requires 'constructing and processing discourse or characteristics of the discourse itself' (Pan and Kosicki 2003: 57). The process helps analysts determine what influenced and controlled the coverage of an issue or event. Entman (1993) and others have stated that framing can be used to unmask the ideology, values, implications, orientations, views and aims conveyed in media artefacts like news, commentaries and features (Alozie 2005a, b; Bishop 2005; Goffman 1974; Scheufele 1999; Tuchman 1978).

However, some say that framing lacks rigorous conceptualization. Carragee and Roefs (2004: 214) cite the conceptual 'problems in the definition of frames, the inattention to frame sponsorship, the failure to examine framing contexts within wider political and social contexts, and the reduction of framing to a form of media effects'. They advise that framing studies should take a cue from their sociological origins that relied on the holistic approach through an exploration of the wider historical, political, economic and cultural environment that affects the coverage of a subject.

In spite of the debate over the appropriateness of framing, it remains one of the most useful and powerful mechanisms for examining texts and artefacts, which usually convey multiple meanings because of the social and cultural differences that may exist within and across borders. News aims at providing objective facts to the public to enable them to make informed decisions on a variety of issues. News tells the public what has occurred, what is occurring and what is most likely to occur. It tells the story of those who do not want to or cannot tell their own stories. It tells the story of the victor and vanquished. It exposes the evils of the powerful or even good deeds that might not otherwise come to the forefront. It takes the weak and beleaguered into account. It holds individuals and societies responsible for their conditions and gives them hope by seeking help when the facts are presented. It surveys the environment to shine the searchlight on every human conduct no matter where, when, how, why and what occurs. It guides the human experience.

Because framing requires in-depth analysis of texts, it helps us achieve the secondary purpose of this study: to determine if, in their coverage of the Rwanda genocide, the focus of the two newspapers overlapped (synchronization) or if there were marked differences in their content (heterogeneity). This distinction will help determine whether mass media closer to Rwanda covered the events in a different fashion than media at a distance. Does national interest relate to geography and the neighbourhood in which a society exists? As a neighbour, Kenya might have greater socio-economic ties with Rwanda than Nigeria on the other side of the continent. On the other hand, South Africa and Nigeria are regarded as the most influential nations in sub-Saharan Africa and, since independence, Nigeria has played an important role in the affairs of Africa economically and politically.

FINDINGS

Examination of coverage of the 1994 Rwandan crisis and genocide in the Guardian and Daily Nation revealed four discourses: bane of a nation; Rwandan national introspection; African cataclysm and introspection; and world inaction and indifference.

Bane of a nation

The phenomenon of ethnic violence, killings and refugee flights in Rwanda can be traced to Hutu efforts to dislodge the colonial administration and end centuries of Tutsi domination. The Hutus took a major step in this regard when they overthrew the reigning Tutsi king in 1959, which helped them ascend to power at independence in 1962. Since then, Rwandan political and social institutions have been beset by one upheaval after another. Over the years, these sprees of violence, pogroms and refugee flights planted the seeds of the 1994 crisis and genocide that cost about 800,000 lives and displaced three million people (Talentino 1999). The immediate catalysts of the 1994 disorder and massacre were the Rwandan Patriotic Front's (RPF's) October 1990 invasion, the protracted and stalled peace negotiations, the failure to implement the Arusha accords and the deaths of the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi (Habyarimana and Ntaryamira, respectively) in a plane crash while they were returning from a peace mission.

When the Daily Nation (1994a) reported the deaths of Habyarimana and Ntaryamira it highlighted historical violent events in Rwanda and Burundi:

• 1959 – Hutus overthrow Tutsi kings;
  
  
• 1965 – Attempted Hutu coup;
  
  
• 1972 – Over 100,000 Hutus massacred;
  
  
• 1993 – Peace accord signed in Arusha;
  
  
• 1993 – Melchior Ndadaye (the first elected president of Burundi) killed in coup bid;
  
  
• 1994 – President Habyarimana of Rwanda and President Cyprien Ntaryamira killed.

The report, which traced and focused on Rwanda's political crisis since the RPF's invasion in 1990, tended to describe the RPF's military exploits as 'stunning and successful' and as forcing the Rwandan government to enter into negotiations and make concessions to the rebels. The article stated:

Since 1959 and in subsequent Tutsi massacres at the hands of Hutus in Rwanda, large numbers sought refuge in the neighbouring countries of Tanzania, Zaire and Uganda. Others sought refuge far away in Kenya and Europe, but all nursed a dream of returning back. Numbering between two and three million worldwide, they offered an elaborate system of financing and support for the rebels. (Daily Nation 1994a)

If the Tutsi viewed the invasion as an attempt to return to their homeland, 'to the Hutus, both in Rwanda and Burundi, the rebels were no freedom fighters, but Tutsi seeking to hoist and reclaim their past dominance.' Another article on 8 April contended:

What is interesting about the tribal tensions is that they are a relatively new phenomenon. In pre-colonial era, Hutus and Tutsis were on equal footing and inter-marriage was common. It was Belgium modernization and democratization that undermined local elites; tension then rose. (Daily Nation 1994b)

On 9 April, Daily Nation (1994c) reported that within hours after the deaths of the presidents, 'out-of-control soldiers were on the streets of Kigali, killing, terrorizing, kidnapping and looting'. The same article reported that Rwanda's acting Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyamana and scores of civilians including Christian missionaries were also killed. Daily Nation reports implied that the continued and ensuing political instability, insecurity, violence and killings that turned hundreds of thousands of Tutsis and Hutu moderates into refugees had become a national bane for the Rwandese. It attributed the bane to various groups, including government and opposition groups, who were using the upheaval as an excuse to settle scores and had turned the country into an unstable and destabilizing entity.

The Guardian expressed similar views. Reporting on the deaths of the presidents, the Guardian on Sunday of 10 April stated that they had 'given feathers to the wings of despondency and cynicism with which people like Kayibanda approach the seeming endless crisis in both Burundi and Rwanda' (Guardian 1994a). Recounting Rwanda's history, the article added:

Hostilities between the two tribes are nothing new. The majority Hutu ended Tutsi dominance of the country in a bloody rebellion in 1959, three years before independence. That year and over the next 15 years, tens of thousands of Tutsi fled to neighboring [countries] mostly Uganda. At least 100,000 were killed in the fighting. Nearly a million Rwandese had been driven from their homes by the civil war since 1990 pitting the government against Tutsi-dominated rebels who invaded from Uganda. (Guardian 1994a)

Since independence in 1962, thousands of Tutsis and moderate Hutus have been killed in various pogroms and by the 1980s over 600 were displaced as a result of political crises, ethnic rivalries and economic malaise (Des Forges 1999). During the 1994 crisis and genocide, both the Daily Nation (1994d) and the Guardian (1994b) tended to blame the various Hutu-dominated governments for the atrocities and for failure to compromise and implement peace agreements. They attributed these failures to the need to remain in power. However, the RPF was not absolved from atrocities. For example, the Daily Nation (1994e) blamed the RPF for the killing of the archbishop of Kigali, while the the Guardian (1994b) recalled that the current crisis arose from the RPF invasion of Rwanda in 1990.

In a Daily Nation article (1994f), the political and socio-economic crisis in Burundi was often mentioned, probably because of the close history of the two nations and the fact that the presidents of both countries died in the 6 April plane crash. Most Hutus blamed the crash on the RPF, although the RPF denied responsibility.

Rwandan national introspection

The second theme that emerged from the analysis was the need to stop Rwanda's cycle of violence and conflagration. It explored the history of Rwanda with regard to the socio-economic and political structure that existed before colonization, how colonial administrations affected the traditional structures and the post-independence negative consequences of colonial policies and the need for Rwandans to eschew violence and resolve their problems peacefully.

As stated earlier, since the 1994 crisis and genocide, scholarly works on the history of Rwanda have called attention to the fact that for centuries Rwanda's three major ethnic groups (Hutus, Tutsis and Twas) coexisted peacefully under the dominion of Tutsi kings. Rwanda remained at peace until the arrival of Europeans who introduced ethnic prejudice by favouring the minority Tutsis over the Hutus and Twas in social, economic and political endeavours (Jones 2001; Talentino 1999). Assuming that the majority Hutus and Twas were docile for centuries while acquiescing to Tutsi dominion, it could be argued that Hutus became radicalized as they gained access to education and employment. They began to organize to oppose colonial and Tutsi dominion, culminating in their ascension to power at independence (Daily Nation 1994g; Guardian 1994b).

The Hutus' struggle for power threatened entrenched Tutsi elites whom the colonial masters favoured over the years and provoked them to undermine the Hutus. Between 1959 and 1962, Tutsis organized a campaign to eliminate the Hutu leaders and retain power. Historians point out that if the Belgium colonial authorities had acquiesced, the Tutsi were likely to have succeeded. Their campaign to dislodge their Hutu counterparts and be at the helm of government after independence marked the beginning of modern ethnic division and hatred between the two groups (Jones 2001; Talentino 1999).

Taking into account Rwanda's political violence, massacres, refugee flights, famines and the economic malaise that political instability generated, the Daily Nation and the Guardian urged the Rwandese to engage in a national dialogue and introspection to stop the cycle of violence and coexist peacefully.

Addressing the concerns of Hutus, the Daily Nation reflected on the military successes of the RPF, offered a poser and issued a caution to Rwandans when it stated:

Rwanda is made of Hutus and Tutsi. As well as being numerically dominant, the Hutus in Rwanda have been exposed to the instruments of government and opportunities for enlightenment, without which experience they would have been open to minority domination like their cousins in neighboring [Burundi], who for years have had to live with a Tutsi control of the Civil Service, military and other levers of power. (Daily Nation 1994h)

The article implies that Hutus must compromise and find ways to accommodate the interests and safety of the Tutsi who would always clamour for their rights in Rwanda. The same article warned the Tutsi and the Tutsi-dominated RPF of the need to come to mutual agreement:

In the unlikely event of Government forces being driven out of the capital, the new guerrilla-controlled authority will require public acceptance to rule without wielding the big stick. Can [they] suppress a Hutu majority and conduct the business of government as if nothing is amiss? Could they possibly hold against Hutu military incursions if the population they ruled gave saccour [sic] to the enemy hiding rebels, feeding them and providing vital intelligence?

Condemning the lack of compromise between the Hutu-dominated government and the Tutsi-dominated RPF, the Daily Nation contended that the only way to stop the continued human, political and economic carnage in Rwanda was for warring groups to engage in soul-searching if the people of Rwanda ever again expected to 'settle in the same neighbourhood, walk the same streets and work from dawn to dusk in the same factories without a secret murderous thought' (Daily Nation 1994e).

The Guardian (1994b) offered an answer and advice. It stated that to build confidence and resuscitate their country, Rwandans must examine and deal with the root causes of the fratricides through reallocation of resources on the 'basis of equity and justice'. If the Hutus and Tutsis can 'ever again share the challenges of nation building and pursue political rivalries in democratic good nature' or allow a 'multi-tribal nation once called Banyarwanda to roll up into one again', the Daily Nation advised, they must rid themselves of current divisions and motives, which the paper described as primitive, reckless and a throwback to a distant age (Daily Nation 1994e).

The Guardian agreed. The paper noted that, when President Theodore Kubwabo set up an interim government, which the Guardian described as nationalist, he made overtures to the RPF for reconciliation, as the rebel group's military success threatened the interim government (Guardian 1994c). The paper contended that the only way forward was for Rwandan leaders (especially the RPF's) 'to agree to a path of reason and de-emphasize their expansionist ambition ... [because] indeed there has to be a limit to the agony' for Rwandans. Underscoring the need for national introspection among Rwandese, the Guardian concluded that the 'need for a re-arrangement of the political structure of Rwanda is not in doubt. A broad-based power-sharing equation should be adopted in Rwanda to accommodate the feuding tribes. The present arrangement where domination is perceived is hardly healthy.'

African cataclysm and introspection

Covering the 1994 crisis provided these leading dailies with an opportunity to take stock of events throughout Africa since the end of colonialism, to point out Africa's problems and failures and to indict governments all over the continent for making the region the world's abyss despite its human and mineral wealth. Like Rwandan national introspection, this theme uses the Rwandan turmoil and carnage and the consequent regional instability, insecurity and humanitarian crisis it produced to examine the political, economic and social events that had resulted in wars, famine, deaths, economic malaise and human degradation throughout Africa. The discourse urged Africans to engage in self-examination, eschew violence and seek solutions to their internal and external disagreements (whether political, economic, ethnic or religious) to avoid the destructive consequences that have been visited on African societies historically and help the continent attain its place and promise in the wider world.

If the seeds of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda were sowed by ethnic hatred and distrust, competition for power, political instability, discrimination, famine and presidential deaths, the Daily Nation (1994i) and the Guardian (1994d) emphasized that these problems were not limited to Rwanda. Both pointed out that half a century after African nations gained independence, most had not fulfilled the political, economic and social promises that self-government offered them. Using Rwanda as an example of what had happened and continues to happen in African nations, the Daily Nation and the Guardian implied that the continent is a place where one violent incident or crisis begats another, one killing and pogrom leads to another and ethnic hatred and distrust results in more of the same. The Guardian pointed out that:

The story follows the same refrain. Ethnic nationalities lumped together join hands together to win political independence from colonial masters, so that they can handle their own affairs and hold their destinies in their own hands. As has been shown in different parts of [the] world, [especially Africa] from the northern to southern hemisphere, as soon as the colonialists depart, the union wielded together usually by force begins groaning over strains of diversity. (Guardian 1994d: 17)

In the same vein, the Daily Nation (1994i) stated:

The Rwanda cauldron has followed classic African lines: an eruptive event (often a coup but in this case the apparent assassination of two presidents) followed by retributive violence against perceived enemies plus anyone who gets in the way, a deterioration into aimless drunken anarchy, evacuations, and panic-stricken refugee columns, and the disposition of so-called government against the so-called rebels for overall control of the state which is about where we are now in Rwanda.

Both dailies tended to blame the colonial powers and the inheritors of power for a lack of understanding, a failure to recognize ethnic differences and a tendency to gloss over differences. They contended that Africa's historical orientation would consume the people if the leaders failed to deal with the cataclysmic nature of African crises through continental introspection. They proposed introspection as a viable vehicle for resolving domestic and international disagreements and to promote peace, understanding and prosperity (Daily Nation 1994i, j; Guardian 1994d).

The Guardian (1994d: 17) warned that it is hardly noticed that once there is a threat of survival, politically, economically, and culturally to its ethnic group, something sweeps through their psyche and the people of that stock quickly bind together to defend themselves – regardless of their stations in life.

Reflecting on the Rwandan crisis, killings and other problems plaguing Africa, the Daily Nation (1994k) argued that African lives and freedom are devalued in a continent that maintains a culture where one crisis begats another. It asked: 'How long can Africans continue to look on as their brothers [Rwandans and others] are being slaughtered?' (Daily Nation 1994i). The Daily Nation pointed to the lack of attention from and the inaction of the international community during the Rwandan crisis (and other crises that have plagued Africa) and urged African leaders to develop institutions, infrastructure, resources, political will and treaties to deal with the problems that plagued their nations (Daily Nation 1994i, l).

Both papers implied that Africa would remain the world's bottomless pit if its leaders did not develop policies to help their nations and each other to help themselves (Daily Nation 1994j; Guardian 1994e). While underscoring the need to stop African crises, the Daily Nation (1994j) stated that the Rwandan situation would 'be a lesson enough to those African heads of states, their cronies and henchmen who take the peace and prosperity of their countries for granted'.

Although these papers tended to blame outside forces and centuries-long exploitation for sowing the seeds of violence, ethnic hatred and distrust, it must be pointed out that corruption, lust for power, poor management of resources and ethical indifference since independence half a century ago account for the lack of development in Africa. And although outsiders have not come to Africa's aid many times when they were needed, they did respond during the Ethiopian famine in the 1980s and the civil war in Somalia.

World inaction and indifference

The Daily Nation and the Guardian also explored the failure of the international community (the United Nations, foreign governments, colonial masters, other African countries and the Organization of African Unity (OAU)) to take military action to stop the massacre of non-combatants in Rwanda. In addition to blaming the international community for its failures, this discourse includes reports of the concerted efforts of Western countries and organizations to evacuate their foreign nationals while abandoning Rwandan.

As mentioned above, one of the factors contributing to the 1994 Rwanda crisis and genocide was the invasion of the RPF three years earlier. Since independence, Rwanda had been afflicted by a cycle of pogroms between ethnic groups as they jostled for political and economic power (Des Forges 1999; Kuperman 2000). However, Rwanda's strife remained off the radar screens of the world press. As in other cases, the press paid little or no attention to the historical crises in Rwanda (Livingston and Eachus 2000) and this inattention continued until the deaths of presidents Habyarimana and Ntaryamira, which resulted in a few reports in the international press.

However, attention waned within weeks (Kuperman 2000) even though the deaths precipitated violence as Hutu militias and government forces took to the streets to massacre Tutsi, whom they blamed for sabotaging the plane and killing the presidents. When the situation regained world attention, the reaction was mixed. The Guardian and the Daily Nation contended that, instead of taking action to stop the killing, the UN engaged in protracted debate, offered weak resolutions and vowed to disengage (Daily Nation 1994m, n; Guardian 1994f, g). Promises of financial, capital, moral and logistic support were made, but failed to materialize (Daily Nation 1994m). Countries outside Africa refused to send troops, while the international presence was withdrawn (Daily Nation 1994o; Guardian 1994f). The OAU seemed moribund, unable to make decisions and take initiatives or action without UN approval and assistance (Guardian 1994h).

As fighting intensified and killings increased, rather than increasing its presence in Rwanda, the UN threatened to withdraw its peacekeepers (Guardian 1994i, j). Foreign governments (especially Western nations) evacuated their citizens (Guardian 1994g). With the death toll mounting and the world press focusing on Rwanda temporarily as the world community and UN waffled on what to do, the Guardian accused the UN of adopting 'half-measures' by failing to fulfil its mission by expanding the mandate of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) – 'originally sent to Rwanda to monitor the implementation of the Arusha Peace Accord between the Rwandese Government and the RPF, to protect civilians in the country as well as provide security for humanitarian relief operations' (Guardian 1994k). In 1993, after the OAU brokered a ceasefire treaty between the Rwandan government and the rebels, the UN sent a contingent of about 2,500 peacekeepers to monitor the implementation of the Arusha accords. The OAU had a transition team in the demilitarized zone (Guardian 1994l). Despite the presence of these peacekeepers, calls from General Roméo Dallaire, head of UNAMIR, and from nongovernmental organizations for prompt action to end the ensuing violence (Kuperman 2000), the world community seemed to turn a deaf ear (Daily Nation 1994n; Guardian 1994l).

Blaming the international community for inaction and indifference in the face of the deaths of the thousands of black Africans, the Guardian (1994l) argued that there was a need for imagination from the international community to resolve the crisis in Rwanda. While calling for quick, swift and thorough investigation of the crash that killed the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi and condemning Rwandan presidential guardsmen for cordoning off the crash scene, the Guardian warned:

The present slaughter, like those before it, will of course, come to an end: The people will be exhausted and riotous soldiers will need to replenish their arsenals. But violence will erupt again unless there is a wise intervention. And this will be effective only if it goes beyond the political stereotypes now being known at Africa's delinquent leadership. (Guardian 1994l)

Considering Rwanda's cycle of violence, the Guardian contended that it would take bold imagination on the part of the international community to find lasting solutions to the current violence. It suggested that offering each of Rwanda's ethnic groups political autonomy and guaranteeing their security and the power to manage their resources represented ways to establish lasting peace in Rwanda. The Guardian explained, 'It should be clear that Euro-American concept of democracy (one man, one vote) taken in isolation and applied mechanically, cannot resolve the conflict in Rwanda' (Guardian 19941). The Guardian concluded, 'If the practical implication is the physical separation of the two ethnic groups, then the peacemakers should boldly look at the option.'

The world's inaction and indifference, the Daily Nation (1994n) pointed out, could be attributed to the fact 'the industrialized world, after a burst of optimism about Africa's prospect, is coming to the conclusion that many African countries are hopeless cases'. While expressing disgust at the failure of forces outside Africa, both the Guardian (1994d) and the Daily Nation (1994n) condemned African leaders and the OAU for bickering and for their inability to muster financial, physical and human resources to tackle this and other African tragedies. However, the Daily Nation noted that ending the conflict and restoring peace

is a responsibility not only for African countries, but also for the international community [because] ignoring the problems African countries face and marginalising sub-Saharan Africa in the world economy will only increase the chances of more Rwandas. (Daily Nation 1994n)

CONCLUSION AND DISCUSSION

The study used framing to discern the patterns that dominated the coverage and analyses of the 1994 Rwandan crisis and genocide in two leading African newspapers: the Daily Nation of Kenya and the Guardian of Nigeria within the first 100 days of the genocide. Framing allowed us to determine whether the focus of these newspapers overlapped (synchronization) or whether there were marked differences in content (heterogeneity).

Although the four themes described above dominated both papers, arguments, rationale and opinions tended to differ. For example, with regard to the origin of the crisis, the Daily Nation (1994b) believed it to be relatively recent, whereas the Guardian described the causes as long standing (Guardian 1994a). While the Daily Nation tended to be sympathetic and praised the RPF's military successes (Daily Nation 1994a), some articles in the Guardian revealed scepticism with regard to the intention of the RPF, whom it viewed as somewhat arrogant (Guardian 1994c). However, neither paper absolved the Hutu-dominated government of responsibility (Daily Nation 1994j; Guardian 1994e).

Reports in both papers attempted to explore the background of the crisis and its greater implications. This is important considering that the world press is often accused of failing to do so. The ability of the African press to provide background could be attributed to their greater understanding of underlying matters that affect the continent.

Although national/regional interest emerged as a theme in the Daily Nation (1994p, q), it did not develop in the Guardian's coverage. The national/regional interest frame focused on the need to find lasting solutions to the Rwandan crisis if the Great Lakes Region and Eastern Africa is to achieve political, economic and social stability. This theme included the need to evacuate Kenyans and other foreigners from the country at the height of the crisis. It demonstrated the economic links between the two countries and other countries in the region and showed that there were many Kenyans living in Rwanda and many Rwandans living in Kenya. Reporting on the evacuation of foreigners, the Daily Nation tended to give accounts of Kenyans who experienced the crisis. The discourse tended to urge the Kenyan government to take concrete steps to find peace. This focus may be a result of the proximity of Kenya to Rwanda.

At the onset of the Rwandan crisis (within the first three weeks), the Guardian and the Daily Nation published a considerable number of daily accounts of events; later, the Daily Nation offered more daily accounts over a longer time than the Guardian.

In terms of in-depth articles, the Guardian tended to quote Nigerian experts more often than the Daily Nation quoted Kenyan experts. However, both papers quoted national and international officials liberally.

Although the role of the media in conflict situations remains crucial (Obinor 2005), it is important to note, that the ability of the mass media to influence the cause of the war remains neither simple nor clear, as this and other studies demonstrate (Ross 2003; Wolfsfeld 1997a). The themes established in this study (bane of a nation, Rwandan national introspection, African cataclysm and introspection, and world inaction and indifference as well as national/regional interest) seem to be in keeping with those established in other studies dealing with mass media coverage and analysis of conflict. Depending on where the media place themselves on a continuum of four key roles – aggressive watchdog of government (power corrupts frame); advocate of the downtrodden (brutal repression frame); semi-honest broker (responsible citizen frame); and faithful servant parroting government (law and order frame) – they tend to adopt either a 'law and order' frame or an 'injustice and defiance' one (Wolfsfeld 1997b, 2001).

The media have long been characterised as a social force used to the benefit or detriment of the society within which they operate. When used to promote justice, morality, unity and harmony in society, they can act as facilitators of peace in times of crisis. However, they can also be used as instigators of conflict and for other destructive purposes. (Obinor 2005)

Obinor advocates continuing to examine the role of African mass media during domestic and international crises, because

studies point to the possibility that besides its other roles, the press, particularly the elite press, may contribute to transforming a crisis from a macro-systematic crisis, hardly noted by the decision-makers, into a micro-perceptional crisis, receiving higher priority from them. (Auerbach and Bloch-Elkon 2005: 16)

That is, by framing the story in terms that show its pertinence and relevance to the local context. This is especially important in Africa where domestic and international crises continue unabated in the twenty-first century.

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